Dr RK Nimai Singh
On 30 June 1947, Maharaja Bodhchandra dissolved the Manipur State Darbar and the next day constituted the Manipur State Council (MSC) with FF Pearson as the chief minister in order to oversee the transfer of power. Bodhchandra signed the Standstill Agreement and Instrument of Accession on 11 August 1947, which invested in Manipur internal autonomy, while defence, external affairs and communication were handed over to the Dominion of India.
The MSC ratified the Instrument of Accession only on 22 August 1947, after India’s independence. When the Dominion of India attained independence, Manipur, along with other princely states, became independent on the midnight intervening 14 and 15 August 1947. Pearson’s tenure ended on 14 August and he was succeeded by Maharajkumar Priyabrata.
The Manipur Constitution Act, 1947 was approved by the Bodhchandra in January 1948. The Act declared him constitutional monarch, and after the Rules for Election and the Franchise Rules were adopted in the first week of March, election was held under universal adult franchise. The first session of the Legislative Assembly was held on 18 October 1948. Priyabrata again headed the ministry. Despite teething problems, Manipur had tasted democracy well before its merger with the Union of India.
Under the prodding of the then home minister, the governor of Assam forced Bodhchandra to sign the merger agreement on 21 September 1949 at Shillong, making it the last princely state to do so. Manipur merged with the Dominion of India on 15 October 1949, a merger that was never ratified by the elected government.
On 23 January, Manipur was declared Chief Commissioner’s Province. After the Constitution was enforced from 26 January 1950, it became a Part “C” state. Despite agitations, the toothless Manipur Territorial Council was established under the Territorial Council Act, 1956 on 16 August 1957, while the Union Territories Act, 1963 came into effect from 1 July 1963. The Manipur Legislative Assembly had no proper legislative power, as power was vested with the chief commissioner.
A visit by the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi on 23 September 1969 brought to fore the demand for statehood primarily spearheaded by students, who interrupted Gandhi’s speech while facing police violence. From 1969 to 1971, President’s Rule was declared. On 21 January 1971, Manipur was declared a state under the North Eastern Areas (Reorganisation) Act, 1971—a bitter sweet victory for those who had already experienced a more independent democracy in 1948–49. Even though the Naga tribes had been crusading for an independent nation throughout this time, it was only after statehood that the valley movement gathered strength. The management of the hill peoples that was previously under the British was now handed over to the Bodhchandra on 10 August 1947, which was again resurrected by Article 371C—a repeat of the divide and rule colonial policy.
The first Manipur Legislative Assembly in March 1972 resulted in a hung assembly, but the Manipur Peoples Party led a coalition government with 15 of its own winning seats. Even though the Md Alimuddin-led ministry was short-lived, it held elections for six district councils under the District Council Act, 1971; opened a PG Centre of Jawaharlal Nehru University, which later became Manipur University; initiated for Regional Medical College; established Manipur Law Commission and the Manipur Pay Commission; and declared amnesty to underground leaders.
The greed for minister ship by legislators, however, led to the downfall of the ministries. Subsequent elections saw a fractured mandate and no ministry could complete its term. Defections led to instability and frequent imposition of President’s Rule. In 1984, Congress returned with a majority, but the ministry led by Rishang Keishing was forced to resign by then Home Minister Buta Singh before Keishing could complete his term. RK Jaichandra then became the chief minister. The next election of 1990 returned a fractured mandate with, again, no ministry lasting a full term, which repeated in 1995. The 1985 anti-defection law did little to bring in stability and Manipur came under the Tenth Schedule. Finally, when the size of the ministry was limited by the 91st Constitution Amendment in 2003, Manipur saw its first ministry complete a full term.
Ministerial turbulence and poor planning in the first four planned periods from 1951 to 1971 resulted in Manipur, a formerly self-sufficient state, being underdeveloped in road infrastructure, education, and health, a gap that continues to widen today and is often compensated by private initiatives.
However, statehood allowed Manipur to build sports associations from 1976, which propelled the state into becoming a powerhouse in this area. It was the first Northeast state to host the National Games in 1999 and won the Raja Bhalindra Trophy. Arts and culture also remain vibrant, with commercial and award-winning films being released since 1971.
The alleged annexation of Manipur in 1949 was partly responsible for valley-based underground groups to start an insurgency, which ultimately resulted in the Armed Forces Special Provisions Act being extended to the whole of the state in the 1980s. On 12 August 2004, the provisions were lifted from seven assembly segments in Imphal Municipality area after the mass agitation in response to the alleged rape and killing of Manorama by security personnel.
Prior to this, after the Bangkok Agreement between India and National Socialist Council of Nagaland – Isak Muivah in 2001, ceasefire was extended without territorial limits, leading to an uproar which led to the death of 13 people on 18 June and arson of the Legislative Assembly building.
Manipur, which was otherwise free of ethnic violence, was drowning in it by the 1990s with Meiti and Muslim clashes and later the Naga and Kuki clash. Increasing ethnic aspirations created conflicts tense enough that long national highway blockades crippled both life and economy at the time. Despite the violence dying down, the wounds are yet to heal.
With the coming of the 20th century, elections were contested by politicians with support of moneyed interests, while the 21st century saw the entry of corrupt leaders polluting the political firmament. During the 2017 election, however, Manipuri intelligentsia began a movement for a clean election but without success. The upcoming 2022 elections have renewed the movement, even if success remains dim. However, as the fight continues, there is hope that a united front may weed out corrupt leaders from electoral politics.
This could change the polity of the state and bring in cleaner governance. With the new crop of educated Manipuris, there is high hope for the youth to change the social, economic and political nature of the state. The youth, who have seamlessly absorbed technological innovation and progress, may be the future Manipur deserves.